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It was only last August that Downey got out of Corcoran State Prison.  He had served a bit more than a year of an original three-year sentence.  Corcoran is where Charles Manson and Sirhan Sirhan, killers both, are held.  It is hard, hard time.  With Manson and Sirhan we can all name their victims.  But who is Downey's? It has to be himself.  He has committed no violent crime, robbed no bank nor, may I add, offered me a cell phone service that works only sporadically.  The Palm Springs bust is illustrative.  The Merv Griffin Resort Hotel and Givenchy Spa received no complaints and was blissfully unaware that in one of its rooms, a famous actor was determinedly sabotaging his career.  Not so much as a towel was taken.  To say that Downey has a problem is to understate matters by a considerable degree.  He has lost his wife, his child and--it may turn out--his career.  He has put a fortune up his nose and, like any addict, lied to friends and loved ones.  His first allegiance, his only allegiance, is to his next fix.  I pity the man.  But I do not fear him.  That is to say, I do not fear him any more than I do an alcoholic.  I would not want either driving a car while zonked.  But neither one is a criminal just on account of their addiction.  If they steal to get drugs (or if they drive drunk), then they have committed a crime.  Even then, though, what they need is treatment, not mere incarceration.  Too often what they get is jail time.  Downey's is the perfect face of the war on drugs.  Just as his real victim is himself, so we have made war on ourselves.  The lust for arrests has caused police agencies to throw the Constitution to the wind and, frequently, stop people on the probable cause of being black or Hispanic.  On the New Jersey Turnpike, at least eight out of 10 searches made by state troopers were of minorities.  Seventy percent of the time, they came up empty-handed, leaving a residue of bitterness and the rest of us no safer.  Until a recent Supreme Court ruling, some police departments established roadblocks designed to catch people with drugs.  Applying common sense, the court said that a sobriety checkpoint was designed to protect the public from drunk drivers, but possession of drugs was a different matter.  That's a law enforcement issue and, as the Constitution requires, a warrant is necessary.  Searching every other car is hardly what you would call "probable cause." Prisoners convicted for drug-related crimes clog the jails.  As with stops on the Jersey Turnpike, the effect is racially disproportionate.  Blacks comprise about 12 percent of the population but account for 62 percent of drug offenders in state prisons.  All together, federal prisons hold almost 240,000 persons convicted of drug--not violent--crimes, and the states hold about 200,000 more.  This is an expensive proposition.  There's some evidence that Americans are getting fed up with a hard-line approach to drugs.  Voters in nine states have approved the use of marijuana for medical necessity--three just this year alone.  In California, voters approved a referendum to have nonviolent drug offenders sentenced to treatment facilities rather than to jail. 

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