Pubdate: Sat, 29 Aug 1998 Source: San Antonio Express-News Contact: http://www.expressnews.com/ Author: Laura Brooks ARMY EXODUS, REBEL TALKS AROUSE ANGST IN COLOMBIA SAN VICENTE DEL CAGUAN COLOMBIA -- In a few weeks, residents here will cut short their cantina visits and cattle roundups to throw a welcoming party for "the boys" -- the leftist rebels whose bullets, bombs and sheer numbers make them virtual kings of this remote town. Hoisting Colombian flags and singing the anthem, residents also will bid a solemn farewell to the last semblance of state security here: the 1,500 army troops and policemen who seldom strayed from their quarters for fear of being blown up or ambushed by the rebels. The extraordinary ceremonies, both backed by the government, are part of a plan by new President Andres Pastrana to start peace talks by pulling out troops in San Vicente and four other vast townships spread over more than 16,000 square miles. In July, Pastrana stunned Colombians by meeting secretly with chiefs of the largest rebel group -- the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, or FARC -- and agreeing to demilitarize the areas temporarily to encourage rebels to begin talks by November. The areas not only include FARC strongholds and key river and mountain routes, but fields of coca leaf, the raw material for cocaine, which helps fund rebel activities. Pastrana's efforts brought a fleeting sense of optimism to Colombians weary of more than three decades of brutal conflict among rebels, paramilitary forces and government troops. But in San Vicente, the largest of the five municipalities, doubts about what to expect have generated alarm amid hope. "People are frightened," said acting mayor German Amezquita. "They've loaded up their cattle. Some residents have left. People don't know what the pullout is about. They think . . . the guerrillas will be in charge of everything." Here, as in many villages throughout the country, rebels already exercise extraordinary power, replacing a central government which has long neglected rural Colombians. Backed by automatic rifles, threats and informants, rebels punish thieves and lecture husbands who beat wives; they fix roads and enforce a night travel ban by burning violators' cars; they fine fishermen who toss dynamite in the nearby river; they collect money from merchants; and they kidnap or kill those who don't pay. "They have total influence," said a resident who requested anonymity. "Many . . . government decisions are ordered by the rebels. Almost everyone is extorted. They are the judges of community behavior. There's a line of people waiting to talk to the commanders and explain things." Some people seek out the rebels to settle disputes, because such resolution is faster than the slow-motion mediation of local judges and bureaucrats. "Everyone goes to them with family and economic problems," lawyer Carlos Julio Cárdenas said. "They have solved big problems that judges haven't been able to fix." But the swift justice has an exceptionally dark side in San Vicente. Earlier this year, the town was terrorized by a rash of bombings of government offices, security posts, and the central park which killed or wounded numerous residents. Many here attribute the bombings to the rebels. And at least 100 peasants and others have been killed this year under unexplained circumstances which government officials and security forces have been powerless to stop or even investigate. "There is total impunity here," said Luís Alberto Cabrera, a veterinarian. "Here they kill anyone, and nobody knows who did it." Fear has driven out many merchants and ranchers, who are often targets of extortion. In recent weeks, a stream of trucks has left San Vicente, as some ranchers sell their cattle in anticipation of guerrilla rule. Others have pulled children out of school and fled the region. "Who knows what will happen to institutions like banks?" a businessman wondered. "We don't know where we're going." Some believe the rebels want to create an independent republic in San Vicente and other southern areas, providing a zone of influence safe from reprisals. In past years, many leftists who gave up arms were systematically eliminated by paramilitary forces. "Our feeling is that the guerrilla bosses have a hidden agenda," says Father Leonel Narváez, a Catholic priest and a leader in town efforts to plan for the pullout. "They want to become an independent republic to be safe." In a recent meeting between residents and rebel "Commander Ruso" to discuss the process, Ruso ruled out a republic and insisted rebels would respect the justice system, mayor and other institutions. "He said 'no' (to a republic) because they're already everywhere in the country, and they're not fighting for one zone but to have social well-being throughout the country," Cabrera said. To bolster community input in the process, residents formed a peace committee to meet with rebel and government leaders and air local concerns. One fear is that rebels will increase reprisals against opponents after the army and police pull out, and that locals who collaborated with troops will be killed. Critics also say the FARC will use the pullout to consolidate its strength and recruit new combatants and collaborators in the area. "For the guerrillas, such talks are a useful strategy," said Camilo Echandia, an adviser to the government's peace commission. In the past, cease fires allowed the FARC "to expand into new zones and increase their number of fronts by taking advantage of army inactivity," Echandia said. But Narváez expects less violence and "a time of relative peace" in San Vicente because rebels will be under national and international pressure to act responsibly. So far, Pastrana has revealed few specifics of his plans for talks with the FARC and the National Liberation Army, the number two rebel group. Although the groups have different agendas, both advocate agrarian reform, cuts in military spending, and deep changes to the political system. Analysts say Colombians should brace themselves for more war and the possibility the talks may sputter. "This is the first step in a very long process," said Andres Franco, a political scientist at Javeriana University. "This could take . . . years. We're just creating conditions for talks - -- talks which could go wrong or could go right." Franco says Pastrana is taking a huge gamble by staking his presidency on his ability to make peace. "If nothing happens, politically it's going to be very costly. It's going to be a failure. After that, then what?" he asked. - --- Checked-by: Patrick Henry