Pubdate: Tue, 27 Sep 2011
Source: Bradenton Herald (FL)
Copyright: 2011 Bradenton Herald
Contact: http://www.bradenton.com/contact_us/feedback/
Website: http://www.bradenton.com/
Details: http://www.mapinc.org/media/58
Author: Carl Hiaasen

FLORIDA'S WELFARE DRUGS TESTS ARE WASTEFUL

Gov. Rick Scott's crusade to drug-test cash welfare applicants is 
turning out to be another thick-headed scheme that's backfiring on 
Florida taxpayers.

The biggest beneficiaries are the testing companies that collect $10 
to $25 for urine, blood or hair screening, a fee being paid by the 
state (you and me) whenever the applicant tests clean -- currently 
about 97 percent of the cases.

The law, which easily passed the Legislature this year, was based on 
the misinformed and condescending premise that welfare recipients are 
more prone to use illegal drugs than people who are fortunate enough 
to have jobs.

Statistically, the opposite is true, despite the claims of Scott and 
Republican legislators who cheered this unnecessary and intrusive law.

The Department of Children and Families reports that since July, when 
the drug-testing program started, only 2.5 percent of welfare 
applicants have failed.

By contrast, about 8.9 percent of the general population illegally 
uses some kind of drug, according to the 2010 National Survey on Drug 
Use and Health.

This substantial disparity in favor of the unemployed is not an 
anomaly. Thirteen years ago, the Florida Legislature funded a pilot 
drug-testing project targeting poor residents who were receiving 
temporary cash assistance from the state.

Of the nearly 8,800 applicants who got screened for drugs, fewer than 
4 percent tested positive. That little exercise in class-bashing cost 
taxpayers about $2.7 million.

Either the governor didn't know about the earlier study, couldn't 
handle the math or just didn't want to be bothered with the facts. 
However, here are some new numbers that even a sixth-grader can understand:

When the law was passed, the DCF said the new drug-screening law 
would result in about 4,400 tests a month, or 52,800 a year, at a 
charge of $10 to $25 each.

Applicants initially pay for their own tests, but they're reimbursed 
by the state if the results of the drug screens are negative. If the 
current rate of failure holds steady at a measly 2.5 percent, Florida 
taxpayers will be on the hook for 97.2 percent of the tests, between 
$515,000 and $1.27 million annually.

This is not the scenario presented by Scott and others who justified 
the law by wrongly implying that welfare recipients have higher 
drug-use rates than the rest of us. Good luck finding an office 
building in Tallahassee where only 2.5 percent of the workers smoke 
pot in their leisure time.

The support for the drug-testing law -- and the polls say it's 
popular -- is based on the reasonable notion that people who are 
struggling to find a job shouldn't be spending a dime on dope. 
Whether you can legislate sobriety or common sense is highly 
debatable, but the more pressing question is whether such laws are 
ultimately worth the expense to government.

So far, the state hasn't offered any figures on how much money we're 
"saving"  by drug-testing welfare applicants. Each month the number 
of those seeking cash assistance varies, and the amount of each 
payment depends on the circumstances and size of the family.

But with such a small percentage of applicants testing positive, the 
state will be lucky indeed if the amount of denied welfare benefits 
exceeds the true costs of administering the law, which go well beyond 
the urine and blood screens.

Taxpayers are also paying the governor's legal fees to defend a 
predictable (and winnable) lawsuit challenging the constitutionality 
of the blanket drug-testing requirement.

A Navy veteran who's a single father in Orlando, joined by the 
American Civil Liberties Union, charges that Scott's law allows 
"unreasonable and suspicionless searches"  because it's used against 
all cash welfare applicants, regardless of whether or not they show 
evidence of drug use.

Not surprisingly, the staff of the Florida House raised a similar 
concern when the measure was being written. And, not surprisingly, 
grandstanding lawmakers shrugged it off.

Some judges haven't been so quick to do so. In Michigan, a 
drug-testing program aimed at welfare recipients was struck down by a 
federal court, citing privacy rights in the Fourth Amendment.

Back in 1997, the U.S. Supreme Court likewise relied on the Fourth 
Amendment when voting 8-1 to nullify a Georgia statute requiring all 
political candidates to take a drug test.

Here in Florida, Rick Scott's campaign promise of mass job creation 
is at least coming true for professional urine samplers. However, in 
addition to being sued over drug-testing welfare parents, Scott also 
faces a court fight for ordering random substance screening on 
thousands of state workers.

Interestingly, the governor's mandate doesn't apply to the one bunch 
that whizzes away more tax dollars than anyone else -- the 
legislators who pass such useless laws.

I say line up all 160 of 'em for a patriotic whiz-fest at the Capitol 
clinic. You think more than 2.5 percent might test positive? Let's find out.

And I'll pay for it out of my own pocket. Seriously.
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MAP posted-by: Keith Brilhart