Pubdate: Mon, 30 Apr 2007
Source: Wall Street Journal (US)
Page: A14
Copyright: 2007 Dow Jones & Company, Inc.
Contact:  http://www.wsj.com/
Details: http://www.mapinc.org/media/487
Author: Mary Anastasia O'Grady
Bookmark: http://www.mapinc.org/topics/Colombia
Bookmark: http://www.mapinc.org/find?236 (Corruption - Outside U.S.)
Bookmark: http://www.mapinc.org/opinion.htm (Opinion)

ONE RIGHTEOUS GRINGO

Al Gore may not have known that he was taking the side of a former 
terrorist and ally of Venezuelan dictator Hugo Chavez when he waded 
into Colombian politics 10 days ago. But that's not much consolation 
to 45 million Colombians who watched their country's already fragile 
international image suffer another unjust blow, this time at the 
hands of a former U.S. vice president. The event was a climate-change 
conference in Miami, where Mr. Gore and Colombian President Alvaro 
Uribe were set to share the stage.

At the last minute, Mr. Gore notified the conference organizers that 
he refused to appear with Mr. Uribe because of "deeply troubling" 
allegations of human-rights violations swirling around the Colombian 
government.

It is not clear whether the ex-veep knows that making unsubstantiated 
claims of human-rights violations has been a key guerrilla weapon for 
more than a decade, along with the more traditional practices of 
murdering, maiming and kidnapping civilians.

Nor is it clear whether Mr. Gore knew that the recycled charges that 
caught his attention are being hyped by Colombian Sen. Gustavo Petro, 
a close friend of Mr. Chavez and former member of the pro-Cuban M-19 
terrorist group.

What we do know is that Mr. Gore's line of reasoning -- that Colombia 
is not good enough to rub shoulders with the righteous gringos -- is 
also being peddled by some Democrats in Congress, the AFL-CIO and 
other forces of anti-globalization. The endgame is all about killing 
the U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement.

When Mr. Uribe got wind of Mr. Gore's decision to stand him up, he 
rightly interpreted its significance: Colombia is the victim of an 
international smear campaign that, if left unchecked, could undermine 
congressional support for the pending trade deal. Rather than let the 
whispering go on, Mr. Uribe elevated the matter, calling two press 
conferences over two days to refute the charges, which he says are 
damaging the country's interests. He also asked Mr. Gore to look "at 
Colombia closely" so he could see the progress that has been made.

The truth about Colombia's bloody struggle against criminal networks 
is not hard to discern.

The tragedy originated more than five decades ago with ideological 
rebel warfare and was long supported by Fidel Castro. After Pablo 
Escobar was killed in 1993 and the Medellin and Cali drug cartels 
collapsed in the mid-1990s, the guerrillas moved into the 
narcotrafficking business and used this new source of financing to 
heighten the terror. In a December 2001 monograph published by The 
Strategic Studies Institute of the U.S. Army War College, Latin 
American insurgency and counterinsurgency expert David Spencer 
described the costs of the guerillas' "predatory business": "The 
federation of cattle ranchers reported that in 1997 they suffered 
losses of $750 million, largely to guerrilla theft and extortion. The 
consequences of resisting these extortive taxes is severe and 
includes kidnapping, death, and destruction of property." As Mr. 
Spencer explained, the urban rich avoided much of the terrorism; the 
vulnerable were the "small, independent farmers, ranchers, 
professionals, and merchants." Lacking resources and a plan of 
action, the state did little to protect innocents. So the rural 
population organized self-defense units that became known as 
paramilitaries. Many of these groups later morphed into criminal enterprises.

Mr. Uribe, whose father was murdered by guerrillas, was elected 
governor of the state of Antioquia in 1995. He inherited a mess. 
"Guerrillas were all over the state," he told me in a 1997 interview 
in Medellin. "They were kidnapping, drug trafficking, keeping illegal 
plantations. Against them were the paramilitary. Wherever guerrillas 
arrived in one place, sooner or later paramilitary arrived there too, 
committing many similar crimes." To confront the chaos, the governor 
made increasing the presence of the state a priority and launched the 
"convivirs." These legal civic organizations were citizens' 
intelligence networks designed to help the army and police identify 
and pursue guerrillas, paramilitary groups, narcotraffickers and 
common criminals in the countryside. It was later learned that some 
of the convivirs had links to paramilitaries. This shouldn't be 
surprising since both groups shared a common enemy.

But to the extent that such collusion existed, one can hardly blame 
it on Mr. Uribe. The concept of engaging the public in helping to 
strengthen the state's law-enforcement capabilities is a perfectly 
defensible strategy.

Of course, the guerrillas didn't like it. They suffered major 
setbacks while Antioquian peasants, farmers, ranchers, banana workers 
and rural weekenders all enjoyed newfound security.

Mr. Uribe ran for president in 2002 on a promise to defeat organized 
crime. He has produced impressive results.

According to national police statistics, homicides dropped to 17,277 
in 2006 from 28,837 in 2002. Kidnappings fell to 687 from 2,883 over 
the same period and terrorist attacks were cut by more than 
two-thirds. Since 2002, some 42,000 illegally armed combatants have 
put down their weapons and 1,342 paramilitary have been killed. As to 
charges against his former intelligence chief, based mainly on the 
testimony of one rather dubious witness, the justice system is working.

It is in no need of Mr. Gore's condescending prejudice. Though 
Colombia is not yet pacified, voters have confidence in Mr. Uribe. 
The economy has recovered and the government is working to protect 
the environment against the degradation caused by coca growers 
destroying forests and cocaine labs polluting rivers.

There is also a special program to provide security for members of 
labor unions.

Mr. Uribe was re-elected last year and today maintains an approval 
rating of better than 70%. Mr. Uribe's popularity is a source of much 
frustration for his adversaries, especially as the FTA -- considered 
his baby -- gains momentum.

Colombians widely favor the deal and it is now sailing through the 
legislature. Thus the export of the tired, old allegations of 
human-rights violations from Mr. Petro. How ironic that Colombia's 
anti-American hard-left, normally obsessed with trashing Uncle Sam, 
is now rushing to Washington to get help in defeating the will of its 
own people.

Mr. Uribe will be in Washington this week to meet with members of 
Congress and AFL-CIO President John Sweeney to make his case for the 
FTA. In the end, it may turn out that Mr. Gore did him a favor by 
bringing this subject to the fore. Union activists who don't want any 
more U.S. free trade agreements have every right to lobby against 
them. But they should make their case on facts, not on politically 
motivated and unsubstantiated charges. 
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MAP posted-by: Richard Lake