Pubdate: Wed, 03 Nov 2004
Source: Texas Observer (TX)
Copyright: 2004 The Texas Observer
Author Dave Mann
Cited: (Tulia, Texas)


Were there really 72 crack dealers in rural Anderson

It began, as many drug stings do, with a lucky break.

In November 2002, a traffic cop pulled over a driver ferrying crack
cocaine on U.S. Highway 79 into the small East Texas town of
Palestine. Police believed they had caught a glimpse into a drug ring
that was smuggling crack from Houston and Dallas into rural Anderson
County, 40 miles southwest of Tyler. The Dogwood Trails Narcotics Task
Force, a regional alliance of local, state, and federal law
enforcement, promptly launched an investigation.

When the arrests came two years later, residents of Palestine must
have been surprised to learn that their small town apparently had more
crack dealers than restaurants. On October 13, teams from the Anderson
County sheriff's office, Texas Department of Public Safety, U.S.
Marshall's Service, and the Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA) started at 7
a.m. and swept through tiny Palestine (population 17,000) to round up
an astonishing 40 indicted drug dealers.

More arrests followed in the coming days. In all, a total of 72
Anderson County residents were detained on various state and federal
drug dealing charges.

After the arrests, the U.S. Department of Justice put out a
celebratory press release that boasted of cracking a large Anderson
County drug distribution ring. "This coordinated effort shows the
success that can be achieved when resources and people are pooled
together," U.S. Attorney Matthew Orwig said in the statement.

Curtis Bitz, head of the Dogwood Trails task force, told the Lufkin
Daily News, "There's no question as to whether they did it or not."

An Observer examination of the charges, however, raises questions
about the drug bust, especially about the sheer number of people
charged as dealers. Could there really be 72 crack dealers in little
Palestine? And is it only a coincidence that all 72 of them are black?

There seemingly were at least a few dealers in town. Four of the
defendants who were indicted in federal court were allegedly caught
with hundreds of grams of both powdered and crack cocaine, and with
stashes of guns and cash. If they were the real dealers, what was
everyone else doing?

Many of the defendants, a third of them with no prior records, are
charged with delivering crack to a single confidential informant.

None of the deliveries exceeded four grams.

In some instances, it was less than a gram. That's about the size of a
Sweet-N-Low packet.

Many of the suspects appear to be poor crack addicts swept up in the
drug sting.

Charged as dealers, they now face sentences of 20 years to life in
state prison.

Yet again, a regional drug task force targeted an African-American
population in a small Texas town, charging apparent crack addicts as
dealers. All of this brings to mind the now-infamous Panhandle town
that has become synonymous with all that's wrong with the war on

In the 1999 Tulia drug bust, much of it first reported by former
Observer editor Nate Blakeslee, a single undercover cop took down 10
percent of the tiny town's black population on trumped-up charges of
cocaine dealing.

The Tulia scandal, and similarly botched drug task force stings around the
state in recent years, revealed two sad truths about the drug war in Texas:
It disproportionately targets blacks and Latinos, and it too often entraps
low-level addicts and street-level dealers into serious drug-dealing
charges. (Blacks comprise 12 percent of Texas' population, and studies show
that whites and blacks are equally likely to use drugs.

Yet 70 percent of drug offenders in Texas state prisons are black,
according to the ACLU of Texas.) After the abuses of Tulia and other
scandals, the ACLU successfully pushed a bill through the Legislature
that now requires confidential informants to provide at least one form
of outside corroboration for their evidence in drug stings.

All over Texas, federally funded drug task forces, with little
oversight from state officials, have employed the same strategy.

The task force targets a minority community and sends in an undercover
officer or confidential informant armed with public funds to buy drugs.

Over the course of a long investigation, the undercover officer
befriends a group of addicts. Eventually, the undercover cop asks his
addict friends to get drugs for him. When an addict goes to his or her
dealer and scores a small amount of drugs for the cop, he or she has
stepped into a felony charge of delivery of a controlled substance
and, because of harsh sentencing guidelines, could face decades in

The Dogwood Trials task force's investigation followed a familiar
pattern. Soon after the November 2002 traffic stop on U.S. 79, law
enforcement officials began working with a confidential informant
named Othella Kimbrew, according to court documents.

Almost all of the defendants delivered, or offered to sell, small
amounts of crack to Kimbrew over the course of two years, according to
Anderson County indictments.

At press time, the Observer has not uncovered anything wrong in how
investigators gathered their evidence, but much of what went down
remains hidden from view. Prosecutors haven't revealed exactly how
Kimbrew went about collecting evidence or how much of it is
corroborated. The district attorney's office says it has at least one
drug deal on video tape. Task force Commander Bitz refused an
interview request from the Observer. He also wouldn't release copies
of the search warrants executed in seizing evidence.

In early September of this year, the U.S. Attorney's office in Tyler
chose 16 of the most egregious cases from the Palestine bust and
indicted the suspects on various charges in federal court.

Among the federal indictments are the four alleged ringleaders of the
crack operation, including Riley King, who police believe brought
crack to Anderson County from the Dallas-Fort Worth area. When
authorities raided King's house, they seized 600 grams of powdered
cocaine, 266 grams of crack, a gun, and $7,000 in cash, according to a
Justice Department spokesperson (U.S. Attorney Allen Hurst, who's
prosecuting the case in Tyler, refused to comment).

The remaining 56 suspects were left to the Anderson County district
attorney to prosecute in state court.

It seems unlikely that such a large number of crack dealers could
thrive in rural Anderson County. Even in high-crime rural areas, only
0.3 percent of the population typically smokes crack, according to
federal government studies.

In Anderson County, with a population of about 54,000, that means
roughly 160 people probably use crack. In Palestine itself, where
prosecutors said 95 percent of the arrests were made, the average
works out to about 70 crack smokers.

That nearly matches the 72 alleged dealers nabbed in the drug

Nearly all of the 56 defendants in state court are charged with
delivering less than four grams of crack, according to the county
indictments. At least 14 of them have no prior felony convictions, and
eight more have had a clean record for at least 10 years.

For instance, 43-year-old Ira Mae Gross, who has a clean record in
Anderson County, is charged with just one count of delivering between
one and four grams of crack to Kimbrew last June, according to her
indictment. She now faces a second-degree felony drug dealing charge
that could earn her a prison sentence of two to 20 years.

Many other suspects are seemingly longtime addicts.

Henry Rhodes, Sr., 56, was convicted of possession of less than four
grams of crack in 1995. He has no history of selling drugs, though.

He was indicted on three counts of delivering crack to Kimbrew. Then
there's Charles E. Barrett, 45, who has a lone drug possession
conviction from 1977. He too is facing one count of felony drug
dealing for allegedly delivering less than a gram of crack to Kimbrew
on June 22, 2004.

Anderson County D.A. Doug Lowe defended the indictments. In an
interview, he said that the county suffered from a serious drug
problem, and that he was confident all the cases were solid.

Lowe said the defendants indicted for delivering less than a gram of
crack face state jail felonies, punishable by three months to two
years in prison.

Most of the 56 suspects indicted in Anderson County, however, face
second-degree felony charges (two to 20 years). Because most of the
suspects are charged with multiple counts of dealing crack, some
defendants could wind up with decades-long jail sentences.

Lowe added that three defendants had their charges upped to
first-degree felony charges (five to 99 years) because they were
allegedly part of a drug conspiracy. That means three defendants
charged with dealing, at most, a few grams of crack could receive life

Lowe added that he plans to take the first several defendants to
trial, see what kind of sentences they get, and then offer plea
bargains based on those sentences.

"I'm hopeful that we can give the most serious of the dealers some
serious time," he said. After talking with the Observer for about 10
minutes, Lowe halted the phone interview, saying that he didn't want
to comment further without the case files in front of him. Lowe said
he would call back shortly. He never did. He then didn't respond to
four subsequent phone messages left at his Palestine office.

The number of suspects charged as dealers in Anderson County has
attracted the attention of the ACLU, which has uncovered task force
wrongdoing all over the state and is investigating the Palestine bust.
Meanwhile, prosecutors and the Dogwood Trails task force will soon get
the chance to prove that Palestine was so awash in crack that all 72
defendants really were legitimate dealers.

The first trials are scheduled to begin in early December.
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