Pubdate: Wed, 25 Sep 2002 Source: Capital Times, The (WI) Copyright: 2002 The Capital Times Contact: http://www.captimes.com/ Details: http://www.mapinc.org/media/73 Author: Mark Wehrly Note: Mark Wehrly is vice chairman of the Task Force on Money, Education and Prisons. STATE NEEDS TO TAKE HARD LOOK AT PRISON POLICIES Dane County Executive Kathleen Falk's run for governor should go down in history for her willingness to address directly the outrages of our state corrections system. The pointed debate between Falk and Attorney General Jim Doyle was the first real public dialogue on the issue in recent memory. Falk called for a leaner corrections system, with more and cheaper alternatives to incarceration for nonviolent offenders, especially those caught up in the never-ending war on drugs. Falk asserted that Wisconsin could save much of our nearly $1 billion annual outlay on prisons if we took up a more enlightened policy, such as that exhibited by our neighbor Minnesota. Doyle disputed that Minnesota's system was better, and restated his pride in his role in creating the truth-in-sentencing statute, which by some accounts could increase the corrections system budget by another 50 percent in this decade. Let's look at the Wisconsin-Minnesota comparison. In 1999, the FBI ranked Wisconsin 40th among states in violent crimes per 100,000 citizens. Minnesota ranked 41st. Not much difference there. In June of this year, Minnesota had 6,529 inmates and Wisconsin had 21,117, more than three times as many. Wisconsin's current general fund corrections budget is $816 million, or about 11 percent more than Minnesota's $735 million, but Minnesota is spending much more on community-based programming and much less on bricks and mortar and guarding inmates. As truth in sentencing kicks in over the next few years, these disparities will greatly increase. The net effect is that many more Minnesota felons are in their communities with their families, holding jobs and making restitution, and the crime rate of the two states is essentially the same. Minnesota's policy of "community corrections first" is cheaper, reduces costly incarceration, and has no negative effects on public safety. This would seem to justify a public debate about Wisconsin's "incarcerate first" policy. Unfortunately, the rhetoric of our public officials over the past decade has consisted of demands to lock people up even while total crimes have fallen every year since 1991. The larger issue is whether it truly enhances public safety to demonize lawbreakers and put them in cages at high cost to the state budget, their families and communities, or attempt to break the cycle of recidivism that is the real cause of prison growth. Here are some approaches that could address the growth in Wisconsin corrections spending and preserve public safety: Provide more options to judges for treatment alternatives to prison for low-level drug offenders, and for property crime violators who are drug addicted. California has seen dramatic success with such an initiative. Enact sentencing guidelines for judges, so that truth-in-sentencing legislation does not have the unintended consequence of greatly increasing average sentences across felony categories. Jim Doyle has proposed this approach. If the high-end estimate of the truth-in-sentencing effect on prison growth holds, inmate populations could rise one-third by 2005, resulting in several hundred million dollars in additional costs. Permit greater discretion for judges to release inmates with serious health and mental health issues for community treatment, as well as for old age when the likelihood of further criminal behavior is near zero. Increase Department of Corrections funding of community corrections to reduce the impossibly high caseloads now facing parole officers, and provide drug and alcohol and mental health treatment for all supervised felons who need it. Passing mental health and substance abuse insurance parity legislation would help reduce the state's treatment costs considerably. Enact "corrections transparency" legislation to require the DOC to provide timely and complete information on its population, including crimes and time served, inmate and supervised release population demographics, and health/mental health/substance abuse programming and outcomes. The lack of comprehensive, longitudinal information means that public debate - and legislative corrections policy - are conducted largely in a vacuum. Address recidivism. Only about 30 percent of prisoners are incarcerated for new offenses - the great majority are probation and parole violators, and nearly all have been in "the system" numerous times, beginning in adolescence. A rational, comprehensive approach would provide meaningful job training, GED courses and substance abuse/mental health treatment in prisons. It would also prohibit discrimination against felons in employment except in areas of bona fide public safety concerns. Inmates should not leave prison unemployable, untreated and hostile toward society. Enact legislation to require "financial impact statements" for all new criminal laws and planned state and local corrections facilities. Such legislation has been narrowly defeated or vetoed several times in recent years. The lack of public information on the true cost of new criminal laws permits fiscally irresponsible political pandering. A genuine public debate would consider the costs to society in crime and expense of ignoring the needs of high-risk populations, especially low-income families and communities of color. Emerging scientific research on early childhood development and the correlation of childhood abuse and neglect on later criminality makes clear that society is paying a heavy price for ignoring these connections. We are in a true "pay me now or pay me much more later" situation. Children at high risk for abuse, neglect, school dropout, mental illness and substance abuse are not receiving adequate services, with the predictable outcome of criminal involvement at a high social cost. We must also face our racism head on. Wisconsin incarcerates African-Americans at the highest rate in the nation, while our population is among the whitest in the nation. We should look for reasons for this in the mechanics of the justice system, but more importantly we should look at ourselves and ask if this is really the kind of corrections system and state we want to have. - --- MAP posted-by: Larry Stevens