Pubdate: Sun, 25 Nov 2001
Source: Orange County Register (CA)
Copyright: 2001 The Orange County Register
Contact:  http://www.ocregister.com/
Details: http://www.mapinc.org/media/321
Author: Tim Golden (New York Times)

WAR ON TERROR CONVERGES WITH WAR ON DRUGS

As a replacement for the Taliban looms, some officials fear opium 
production could increase.

 From the first days of the war in Afghanistan, U.S. officials have pointed 
to a silent weapon in the desolate Afghan countryside: the poppy fields 
that have spread over thousands of acres in recent years, turning the 
nation into by far the largest source of opium and heroin in the world.

For the Taliban, U.S. officials said, taxes on poppy farmers and opium 
dealers helped finance the movement's rogue state. For al- Qaida 
terrorists, the officials warned, the opium trade might also be a way to 
move money or fund attacks. At the least, Afghanistan's mix of political 
radicalism and diplomatic isolation had made for a major drug threat.

Even as the fighting continues, opium farmers are returning to their 
fields, tilling the ground for what had been their most reliable cash crop. 
Warlords of the Northern Alliance may supplant warlords loyal to the 
Taliban, drug experts say, but in the absence of a strong central 
authority, it seems unlikely that the next regime will view the rewards of 
the drug trade differently than did the last.

"Nothing indicates that either the Taliban or the Northern Alliance intend 
to take serious action to destroy heroin or morphine-base laboratories, or 
stop drug trafficking," the State Department said last spring, pointedly 
spreading the blame.

Since the start of their bombing campaign, allied officials have tried to 
link the new war on terror to the old war on drugs. In Washington, some 
officials have likened Afghanistan to Colombia, where drug money and terror 
tactics have been essential to enemies of the U.S.- backed government. In 
London, Prime Minister Tony Blair reminded his countrymen that their enemy 
in Afghanistan also was responsible for much of the heroin on British streets.

But as the fighting in Afghanistan continues, battle lines in the two wars 
are only becoming more confused. The emerging political landscape, in which 
power may be fragmented among rival groups, may prove better for 
traffickers than the Taliban were. Already, the flow of opium from Afghan 
stockpiles has risen sharply, with most headed north across the porous 
borders of America's new allies: Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan.

If U.S. officials have any cause for optimism, they probably owe it to the 
Taliban.

Eighteen months ago, in an apparent bid for wider diplomatic recognition, 
the Taliban's supreme leader, Mullah Mohammad Omar, ordered the country's 
farmers to stop growing opium poppies. And they did. Within a year, CIA 
figures show, estimated opium production plunged to 81.6 tons from 4,042 
tons, with most of the remainder grown in the small corner of the country 
that was under Northern Alliance control.

Western law-enforcement officials were initially skeptical; many said the 
ban, which was not accompanied by a crackdown on traffickers, was merely a 
ploy to drive up the value of Afghanistan's huge opium stocks. Drug prices 
remained stable in Europe, the Afghans' chief market.

But more important than the Taliban's sincerity may have been the fact that 
drug production could be regulated at all. With little more than Omar's 
decree, poppy cultivation stopped virtually overnight, with surprisingly 
few reports of repression against the farmers. Had such a thing happened 
almost anywhere else in the world, it probably would have been hailed as 
one of the greatest achievements in the history of drug enforcement.

Taliban leaders could afford to speak softly, given their reputation for 
brutally enforcing their will. But their effectiveness also owed something 
to the relatively compact dimensions of the country's poppy fields - a 
factor not likely to change much now. The United Nations estimates that 
Afghanistan produced more than 70 percent of the world's opium supply last 
year from barely 200,000 acres, a relatively tiny area, and with the labor 
of perhaps 50,000 families in a population of 27 million people.

For several years, United Nations drug-control officials have said 
facetiously that they could probably buy up Afghanistan's poppy crop as 
cheaply as they could eradicate it. In 1998, a study by the U.N. 
International Drug Control Program concluded that poppy cultivation could 
be phased out over a 10-year period at a cost of about $25 million a year.

"The price tag was extremely small," said the head of the program, Pino 
Arlacchi. "But most member states thought it simply wasn't worthwhile to 
work inside Afghanistan."

U.S. officials considered the Afghan problem remote, if only because, as 
one official put it, "It wasn't our dope." Surveys by the Drug Enforcement 
Administration showed that most of the heroin in the United States came 
from Colombia and Mexico.

The State Department was wary about working with the Taliban on any issue, 
given its poor human-rights record and its hospitality toward Osama bin 
Laden. So, too, were officials in northern Europe, even though their cities 
were awash in Afghan heroin.

These days, the head of the DEA, Asa Hutchinson, has been calling 
Afghanistan "a rare opportunity" for anti-drug efforts to take advantage of 
successes in the war on terror. With a friendlier government in Kabul, 
there will be chances to try some obvious measures to help Afghanistan's 
farmers: crop-substitution programs, development aid and rebuilding 
irrigation systems that were destroyed after the 1979 Soviet invasion.

But however they proceed, efforts to curtail opium production will almost 
certainly cut into the livelihood of military commanders, village leaders 
and others whom the United States needs as allies against terror. U.S. 
drug-enforcement officials can expect a long struggle. And they will be 
lucky to replicate the Taliban's success.
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