Pubdate: Sat, 30 Dec 2000
Source: Minneapolis Star-Tribune (MN)
Copyright: 2000 Star Tribune
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Author: Rob Hotakainen,  Star Tribune Washington Bureau Correspondent
Bookmark: http://www.mapinc.org/area/Colombia (Reports about Colombia)

COCAINE WAR PUTS COLOMBIA IN CHAOS

BOGOTA, COLOMBIA -- Denise Sanchez, 31, has not seen her husband since he 
went to milk the cows, leaving the house at 4 a.m. in August 1998.

At 5:30, when the bombs and bullets hit her house, she and her three 
daughters -- ages 11, 12 and 13 -- survived by diving under a bed. When the 
confusion ended, she searched for her husband among the dead bodies in the 
village with no luck. She hopes that he is still alive.

"God willing, he is. But I don't know," said Sanchez, who had no idea who 
attacked her village in the Arauca region or why.

America's relentless demand for cocaine is fueling a blood bath in 
Colombia, where leftist guerrillas and a private right-wing paramilitary 
army are clashing for control of the nation's lucrative coca fields.

With Colombia engulfed in chaos, 2 million people already have fled from 
their homes and another 300 are joining the ranks of the refugees each 
week, according to human rights groups.

Against that backdrop, Colombia looms as one of the largest issues awaiting 
President-elect George W. Bush and the new Congress.

"In American foreign policy, this is really one of the hot spots in the 
world right now," said Sen. Paul Wellstone, D-Minn., a member of the Senate 
Foreign Relations Committee, who visited Colombia last month. "And it's in 
our back yard."

After living under a bridge with her daughters, Sanchez was rescued by nuns 
and now lives in a refugee center in Bogota. She's waiting for the 
government to offer help in getting a roof over her head and finding a job.

"I hope that someday there will be peace and that there will be mercy for 
the peasant population," she said.

It could be a long wait.

As armed groups fight for turf, the number of massacres -- homicides where 
more than four people were killed -- have quadrupled in the last four 
years, and Colombia now leads the world in kidnappings.

The kidnappings are designed to frighten Colombians into following demands 
from the various armed groups. Residents say that while guerrilla groups 
offer to provide protection in place of a weak government, they expect to 
be paid for their services. A failure to pay the "taxes" can result in a 
family member being held for ransom.

Now, the United States is ready to flex its muscle in Colombia, increasing 
the likelihood of more violence. After President Clinton approved a $1.3 
billion aid package in July, the Colombian government is promising to step 
up efforts to fumigate its coca, seeking to kill the crops that provide 90 
percent of the cocaine that reaches the United States.

The fumigation plan is the brainchild of Colombian President Andres 
Pastrana, who is promising to wipe out 50 percent of the nation's coca 
fields within five years. Known as Plan Colombia, the campaign is ready to 
kick into high gear: The United States is sending 60 helicopters, and the 
second of three U.S.-trained anti-narcotics battalions -- each with 1,000 
members -- graduated on Dec. 8; a third battalion will begin training early 
next year. Under terms set by Congress, no more than 500 American U.S. 
personnel can be assigned to Colombia at any given time.

Colombians expect the effort to produce more bloodshed: No one is 
predicting that the armed groups will surrender the coca fields without an 
intense fight.

"We've been living with violence for such a long time now that we 
understand the risks involved," said Adriana Foglia, a senior adviser to 
Pastrana. "This country has suffered so much at the hand of cocaine 
production that people are fed up with it ... Plan Colombia's idea is to 
attack the pocketbook of all of these actors of violence."

But despite its overwhelming support in Congress, Plan Colombia is coming 
under increased scrutiny in Washington, where some are questioning whether 
the United States is about to engage itself in a Vietnam-style conflict 
that will be hard to escape.

At a news briefing in Washington earlier this month, State Department 
spokesman Richard Boucher dismissed the idea, saying: "This is not another 
Vietnam ... The issue of drugs is something that needs to be addressed, and 
we are addressing the drug problem."

Critics, however, say that Congress is making a big mistake. They say it's 
misguided to focus on the supply of drugs in a foreign country instead of 
trying to curb the demand at home. "You have to deal with the problem of 
addiction in the United States," said Pamela Costain, executive director of 
the Minneapolis-based Resource Center for the Americas.

Of Plan Colombia, she said: "It makes it look like politicians care and it 
provides a convenient excuse for intervention." Like many critics, she said 
the fumigation effort will simply result in the coca moving elsewhere. 
"Fundamentally, it won't work," Costain said.

In October, a report by the General Accounting Office, the investigative 
arm of Congress, said that "long-standing problems in planning" could 
jeopardize Plan Colombia. As examples, the report said that helicopters 
provided to the Colombian national police and the military have not had 
sufficient spare parts or the funding necessary to operate and maintain 
them. It warned that more aid will be required and that any U.S. aid will 
take years to produce results.

In November, a key supporter of Plan Colombia, Rep. Benjamin Gilman, 
R-N.Y., chairman of the House Committee on International Relations, called 
for "a major mid-course correction." He said that a decision to militarize 
the drug fight by shifting U.S. aid from the Colombian national police to 
the Colombian army was "a major mistake."

In a letter to Barry McCaffrey, the nation's drug czar, Gilman said that 
the incoming Bush administration will be faced with the need for a new 
strategy in Colombia. "If we fail early on with Plan Colombia, as I fear, 
we could lose the support of the American people for our efforts to fight 
illicit narcotics abroad," Gilman said.

No Alternatives

As police used dynamite to destroy yet another cocaine laboratory in the 
remote mountains of Colombia one day last month, Manuel Bides could only 
watch as his job blew up in a big puff of smoke. A lab that had been 
producing 11/2 tons of coca paste each week was gone in a second.

Bides, a 44-year-old fisherman, had begun work at the lab 20 days earlier, 
with hopes of making some extra money. His job involved cleaning the coca 
leaves before they were mixed with chemicals to create a green paste, the 
first step in the processing of cocaine.

For Bides, the Colombian drug war struck quickly: As he was working, planes 
buzzed by, spraying herbicide on the coca. Helicopters then landed to 
arrest the 35 workers, most of them poor migrants who appeared confused by 
the events. "I'm just a poor worker," Bides said.

After the arrests, police tried to figure out what to do with the workers: 
Police asked one boy why he wasn't home studying. He replied that he had to 
work to help his mother survive -- his father had just left home.

Wellstone, one of only a handful of senators to oppose the Colombia aid 
package, said it won't work unless the people of Colombia can find jobs 
besides growing coca. "I have to wonder whether or not we will be able to 
win this fight against this narcotics trade as long as the people in 
Colombia and the countryside do not have other alternatives," he said. "Too 
many people are getting killed ... The question becomes whether or not this 
just invites further conflict if people have no alternative as a way of 
feeding their family."

Wellstone got a glimpse of Colombia's violence when he traveled by 
helicopter to Barrancabermeja, Colombia's most dangerous city. Shortly 
before his visit, police defused explosives that had been planted along a 
road not far from the airport. While one police official said the bombs 
were targeted at Wellstone, others said there was no proof.

In a meeting with human rights groups at Barrancabermeja, Wellstone was 
told that the United States should not be aiding the Colombian military. 
Many critics of the aid package say it's hard for them to see a distinction 
between the government of Colombia and the right-wing paramilitary, which 
provides security for many middle-and upper-income residents.

"In my region, anyone who defends life or defends freedom or many other 
rights is killed, many by the military," said Moises Alvarez, a 
veterinarian. "We're deeply concerned about the fact that your government 
- -- the U.S. government -- is supporting a government to strengthen the 
power of groups that kill our people, that kill our peasants," Alvarez said

Pascual Nunoz, an educator with a group called Program for Peace and 
Development, had another suggestion for Wellstone: Cut off the U.S. aid to 
Colombia if human rights abuses do not end. "I would like to request that 
the American Senate ask President Pastrana why nothing has been done to 
stop this bloodshedding in Barrancabermeja," Nunoz said.

There is little faith in Colombia's justice system. Killers usually go 
unpunished, and when judges and prosecutors do try to impose justice, their 
lives and the lives of their family members are imperiled. The government 
admits that it lacks the manpower to have a presence in many parts of the 
country, especially rural areas.

David Martinez, of the Solidarity Committee with Political Prisoners, said 
that paramilitaries control most of the country's jails. In one instance 
this year, he said, prisoners in one jail killed 25 other prisoners while 
authorities stood by. "The killings went on for 12 hours and the police did 
nothing at all," Martinez told Wellstone. "This is very important for the 
United States."

Francisco Anguelo, who works for a project called Municipalities for Peace, 
told Wellstone that the people of Colombia should have been asked how to 
spend the U.S. aid. "We would never have said we want it for helicopters or 
for substances with which to spray the coca crops," he said. "The greatest 
beneficiaries of Plan Colombia so far have been the producers of weapons in 
the United States and the producers of the chemical agents used for 
spraying ... Please try to convey our thoughts to the people of the United 
States."

'A Long-Term Project'

Pastrana is no stranger to the kidnappings that terrorize his country. In 
1988, at age 34, he was kidnapped by the Medellin drug cartel during the 
election campaign for mayor of Bogota, then freed in a dramatic rescue.

Pastrana, who was elected president in 1998, now is head of a nation where 
at least seven people are kidnapped each day, according to human rights groups.

Pastrana is trying hard to portray himself as an international leader in 
the fight against drugs, saying the countries of the world must do more to 
help Colombia to rid itself of cocaine. In a joint operation with the 
United States last year, the Pastrana administration arrested 30 of the 
most powerful drug-traffickers in the world, and it is promising to set up 
additional anti-narcotics brigades.

When Wellstone met with Pastrana, Pastrana's spokeswoman described the 
senator as "one of the tougher guys" in trying to sell Plan Colombia.

"We respect that," said Foglia, Pastrana's adviser. But she said that 
Pastrana is banking on support from the Bush administration: "The vote in 
Congress showed us very clearly that we have both parties' support on this."

If Congress tries to send more aid, Wellstone is sure to be among the 
leading skeptics. When the Colombian aid package first surfaced, Wellstone 
tried to steer part of the money toward drug treatment in the United 
States, but his idea was soundly rejected. Now, Wellstone would like to 
target more of the military aid toward economic development programs for 
Colombians.

"Unless the government can live up to human rights conditions, there 
shouldn't be any aid," he said. "I may not win right away, but I'm going to 
continue to speak out and bring other senators with me ... I believe in 
human rights for people more than anything."

At a refugee center in downtown Bogota, the homeless said they hope that 
some aid eventually helps them. They want homes and jobs.

"The government hasn't paid any attention to us -- they haven't even looked 
at us," said Libard Galvis, 30, one of the 270 occupants at the refugee 
center. "The government right now is deaf, dumb and blind."

Galvis, who lived in the Cesar region, lost his bar and billiards shop in 
September 1998. After three automobiles with dark windows parked in front 
of his business, hooded men broke in and began spraying bullets. He was 
running errands at the time of the attack and fled to the mountains as soon 
as he learned what happened.

"They destroyed everything," Galvis said. "In my case, I don't know if it 
was the paramilitary or the guerrillas who were looking for me. I felt 
caught in the middle. When you're caught in the middle of a conflict, you 
don't know who's who ... I just wanted to get out."

His wife, Rosalba, and their three children -- an 8-year-old girl and two 
boys, ages 4 and 7 -- are at the shelter, too Food donations are down, so 
Galvis stood on the sidewalk on one recent day, asking passersby for 
change. He said that someday he hopes his family will have enough money so 
that he can afford a home and send his children to school.

"The government should provide some kind of solution," he said. "We're not 
asking for the world. We're only asking for a little work opportunity so 
that when we do leave here we don't go under a bridge someplace."

For its part, the government of Colombia is trying to respond.

After guerrillas blocked roads in southern Colombia in an attempt to starve 
out families, the government began airlifting food to the victims.

As part of Plan Colombia, the government is trying to help displaced 
migrant workers by giving them bus tickets to return to their homes. And 
it's hoping to entice small growers to stop producing coca.

"The little guys, we're convincing [them] one by one, house by house, 
farmer by farmer, to pull their crops out by hand," Foglia said. "And we'll 
give them assistance to plant other crops."

But no one's predicting a quick fix.

"We'll give them a few chickens," Foglia said. "You know, eggs can be an 
additional source of income ... It's all a mix. Later on, you give them the 
pig. Maybe later on, you give them the cow ... It's a long-term project. 
This isn't something we're going to fix in three to six months."
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MAP posted-by: Terry Liittschwager