Pubdate: Fri, 01 Sep 2000
Source: Essence Magazine (US)
Pubdate: September 2000
Website: http://www.essence.com/
Address: 1500 Broadway, New York, NY 10036
Contact:  2000 ESSENCE Communications, Inc
Fax: 212 921 5173
Section: page 150
Author: Angela Y. Davis

WOMEN IN PRISON

(Angela Y. Davis is a professor at the University of California, Santa
Cruz.)

If, at the height of 1970's activism, we had learned of a prophecy that 
by the year 2000 there would be 2 million people in U.S. prisons and 
jails, we would have been incredulous. And if we had been told then 
that more than 1 million of these prisoners would be Black men, we 
would probably have considered that prophecy a grotesque racist joke. 
But this is our contemporary reality, according to statistics from The 
Sentencing Project. It should lead us to suspect that perhaps the 
lauded progress in "race relations" has been achieved, at least in 
part, through strategies of forced seclusion. In other words, the mass 
imprisonment of Black men should serve to contradict some of our 
prevailing assumptions of progress in the battle against racism.  

There is more and more cause for concern. In a landscape of rapidly 
decreasing zones of expansion for U.S. industry, punishment has become 
a profitable business one that yields enormous profits not only for the 
$40 billion private industry that operates penal institutions but also 
for companies that appear to be far removed from the business of 
punishment. The involvement of many corporations we depend on, from 
phone and computer companies to clothing manufacturers,  means that 
though most of us inhabit what prisoners call the free world, we are 
not by virtue of our freedom innocent.  

Our lives are not unaffected by what some call the prisonindustrial 
complex. Though we are increasingly and shockingly aware of the effect 
of rising rates of incarceration for Black men, and by extension the 
indirect punishment of the women and children who love and care for 
them, how often do we think about the direct impact of this punishment 
industry on women themselves? More often than not, women -- who 
comprise approximately 6 percent of people in prisons and jails, 
according to The Sentencing Project remain beyond public understanding 
of the emergent prison -- industrial complex and its impact on our 
communities.  

We might realize that the vast numbers of Black men who have been moved 
into prison have reduced our electoral power by virtue of the denial of 
the right to vote to felons, and sometimes ex-felons, in many states. 
But do we really try to understand how a prison system with economic 
imperatives to expand affects the lives of Black women, who now have 
the country's fastest-rising incarceration rate? How often do we try to 
understand how their accelerating incarceration diminishes us all? 
Media reports keep us painfully aware that African-American women are 
the most visible targets of the recent campaign to dismantle welfare. 
The demonization of welfare mothers, however, was met with overwhelming 
silence, even from successful African-American women whose proximity 
was perhaps too great for them to imagine their sisters' fate. Many 
women who once relied on welfare payments as a minimal safety net are 
now in prison, or soon will be, for an expanding set of nonviolent 
charges. They are learning what it means to be human sacrifices when 
education, job creation and welfare receive short shrift and profitable 
technologies of imprisonment garner more and more support.  

Although Black women are eight times (and Latinas four times) as likely 
to go to prison as White women, imprisoned women of color are not seen 
as victims of racist and sexist discrimination. Isn't it time for us to 
learn how to recognize the  structures of racism and sexism that are 
sometimes even more injurious than overt acts of discrimination on the 
job, at school or in interpersonal relations? Some of us may feel 
relatively secure and successful in our jobs, our educational careers 
and our lives, but others, unable to find the jobs and education 
promised by the advocates of reduced welfare, will end up in prison for 
offenses that are often most harmful to ourselves.  Women in prison are 
among the most wronged victims of the so-called war on drugs, which, as 
Congresswoman Maxine Waters (D-CA) continues to insist, is, in effect, 
a surreptitious war on Black and Latino communities. The sentencing 
practices known as mandatory minimums have turned imprisonment into the 
main strategy for managing people who turn to drugs and make other 
unproductive choices when trying to cope with the difficulties they 
confront in their lives. The defendants -- most are Black or Latino -- 
facing convictions for possession of five grams of crack cocaine 
receive a five-year mandatory federal sentence with no possibility of 
parole. But possession of powder cocaine carries the same mandatory 
sentence only if the defendants (most are White) have been convicted of 
possessing at least 500 grams.  Contrary to most available sources -- 
including those inside prisons and jails -- it is not just a series of 
bad choices that land Black women in prison but a deadly combination of 
reduced possibilities and extensive police targeting or public 
monitoring.  

Still, the impact of poor choices cannot be ignored. As the story of 
Dorothy Gaines reveals, many women spend their most important years in 
prison only because they have intimate relationships with men who are 
drug traffickers. Kemba Smith, the sister who became involved with a 
drug dealer as a student at Hampton University, was sentenced at age 24 
to 24 years in federal prison.  Such women, unable to bargain with 
prosecutors because they can offer no information, are invisible 
victims at the dangerous intersection of racism and sexism. Will these 
women be abandoned, forgotten and treated as if imprisonment is an 
inevitable consequence of individual irresponsibility?  

Dangerous societal patterns form the context of individual poor 
choices. Many Black men experience continuity in how they are treated 
in school, where they are disciplined as potential criminals; in the 
streets, where they're subjected to police profiling; and in prison, 
where they're warehoused and deprived of virtually all rights.  

For women, the continuity of treatment from the free world to the 
universe of the prison is even more complicated, because they confront 
the same forms of violence in prison they confronted in their homes and 
intimate relationships. The criminalization of Black women includes 
persisting images of our perceived hypersexualilty, which serve to 
justify sexual assaults against us in and out of prison. Such images 
were vividly rendered in a recent Nightline series taped on location at 
California's Valley State Prison for Women (November 1999). Many of the 
incarcerated women interviewed by Ted Koppel complained of receiving 
frequent and unnecessary pelvic exams, even during doctor visits for 
such routine illnesses as colds.  In an attempt to justify these exams, 
the prison's chief medical officer explained that women prisoners had 
rare opportunities for "male contact," and they therefore welcomed the 
superfluous gynecological exams.  This officer was eventually removed 
from his position because of these comments, but his reassignment did 
little to alter the pervasive vulnerability of imprisoned women to 
sexual abuse.  

Will we stand by and watch it happen? In the era of a rapidly expanding 
prison-industrial complex -- where prison building is often the one 
hope for a community struggling against downsizing and reorganizations 
and struggling for jobs and tax dollars -- more and more Black women 
are severed from their communities and considered deserving targets of 
contempt and abuse.  Those of us who have fortunately -- and sometimes 
barely -- escaped that fate should not by our inaction affirm the 
oblivion to which our sisters have been relegated.  Despite our 
relative comfort, we're not that far removed historically from the 
circumstances that led them to prison. That is precisely why when they 
ask if we will be their allies, we should say yes.  

Activist Angela Y. Davis is a professor of history of consciousness at 
the University of California, Santa Cruz. She is working on a book 
about the prison-industrial complex.  
- ---
MAP posted-by: John Chase